The Crisis 6

III. I shall now enumerate the DUTIES incumbent upon us, which are to be deduced from this subject, as appropriate to our situation.

1. Let us devoutly acknowledge both the source and the justice of our calamities. It is true, that in every case of calamity which admits of the operation of second causes, it is our duty to look at these with a scrutinizing eye, since the origin of the evils that afflict us is often to be found in the sins which disgrace us, and the very removal of our distresses depends, under God, upon ourselves. "An attempt to develop the more hidden causes which influence the destiny of nations, is an exercise of the mental powers more noble than almost any other, inasmuch as it embraces the widest field, and grasps a chain whose links are the most numerous, complicated, and sharp."

But when we have arrived at these, let us by no means suppose that this supersedes the necessity of acknowledging the interposition of the Supreme Governor; for, admitting that the calamities of a nation are the natural consequences of certain movements in the body politic, effects which follow causes in the way of established connection, yet still the question may be asked—were not the original movements, the primary causes themselves, appointed by God—in order that we should feel the consequences and effects which follow? Whether it be the long state of warfare in which we were engaged, or the transition from war to peace, or the excess of machinery, or certain financial disarrangements—or all these together, that have produced our present distress, in the way of secondary causes—let us not forget to look up to that great Being by whom all inferior and dependent causes are arranged to accomplish his purposes either of mercy or of vengeance. His rod is not the less to be acknowledged, because our own follies sometimes furnish its materials. There is nothing he more obviously intends by his judgments, than to produce a deep impression of his own dominion. Let us then take care not to bring upon ourselves the woe which is denounced against those "who regard not the work of the Lord, nor consider the operation of his hands." Let us, when surveying, feeling and deploring the distresses of the times, not omit to realize in these things the chastening hand of the Lord. And while we do this, let us confess the justice of his dealings. Let us consider our great and manifold transgressions against him. "You, for our sins, are justly displeased," is the language that best suits us.

2. We should learn from this subject to form a right estimate of the powerful influence exerted by moral causes—over the destiny and prosperity of nations. We have already considered the order of the divine government, in bestowing favors upon some occasions, for the sake of the righteous; but, in addition to this, righteousness itself has a natural tendency to promote the interests of a nation. In the theories and speculations which are always afloat as to the causes of the prosperity or decline of empires—far too little account is made of those of a moral kind. Forms of government, codes of laws, systems of jurisprudence, the state of the arts and sciences, commercial, financial, and political regulations, have each their own appropriate operation; but there is another source of influence, less obvious, though not less powerful than these, and upon which they all depend for much of their efficacy, I mean the state of Christian virtue.

The wisest institutions of human policy can do but little for a people among whom is lacking that degree of principle which is necessary to secure for them a right direction and a proper result. The prevalence of vice in a country, which is blessed in other respects with every advantage for being great and happy—is like the corrosion of an inward cancer upon one of the finest human forms, placed in a healthy situation, and possessing all the sources of wealth and greatness; in spite of every external advantage, and while the deceptive loveliness is upon the countenance—the principles of inward decay are in continual operation.

The prevalence of sin impairs the interests of a nation in innumerable ways; it circulates disease in the life's blood of the state through every part of the system, from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot. It diminishes the revenue on one hand or misapplies it upon the other; it withers the genius, enervates the strength, paralyzes the industry, and dissipates the wealth of the population; it destroys mutual confidence, removes the only guarantees for the right direction of the public energies and the public institutions. In short, the prevalence of sin extinguishes all those principles of honesty, justice, truth, sobriety, and subordination, which are the seeds of national prosperity—and encourages the growth of a class of feelings which shed poisonous influences around them.

A country where Christian principle is at a low ebb, cannot be a happy nation—and cannot, for any long series of years, be a great one. Had the Roman empire possessed even the partial and defective virtues of the Republic, it would have resisted the attacks of the northern barbarians, whose successive armies would have been defeated by the old Roman valor and patriotism—as Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and the Gauls had been conquered before them. Instances from modern history might be cited, in which, when the most auspicious events presented themselves to benefit a people, they had not virtue sufficient to secure a happy result, but converted the very means that would have blessed them into a source of the heaviest curses.

An English prelate, in a work which does honor to the human intellect, has most clearly proved the natural tendency of national virtue not only to prosperity, but to power. "Could we," Butler observes, "suppose a kingdom or society of men upon the earth universally virtuous for a long succession of ages, it is easy to conceive what would be its internal situation, and what the general influence which such a community would have in the world by way of example, and the reverence that would be paid it. It would plainly be superior to all others, and the nations must gradually come under its dominion; not by means of lawless violence, but partly by what would be allowed to be a just conquest, and partly by other kingdoms submitting themselves voluntarily to it, and seeking its protection one after another in successive emergencies."

Instead, therefore, of having our attention absorbed in the contemplation of the political causes of national prosperity and adversity, let us look with more intense regard to those of a moral and spiritual kind. Let every friend of his country, according to the measure of his ability, and in the most direct line of his influence, labor to consolidate the strength of our empire by the powerful cement of religious principle. Amidst improvements in agriculture and commerce, in arts and manufacturing, in jurisprudence and finance—let us recollect that without an increase of true scriptural rectitude—there is nothing solid, nothing lasting. Whatever may increase, if at the same time infidelity and irreligion increase with it, it is but the expansion of a bubble, which, the more it is inflated, approaches the more rapidly to the moment of its dissolution!

3. Personal repentance and reformation are eminently appropriate to the present season. We have seen that it is sin, under the influence of which the interests of a nation wither and die, like a tree that has been smitten with the blast of heaven. There can be little hope for us in the mercy of God, except "the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts; and everyone forsakes his evil way, and the violence that is in his hands—and cries mightily unto him. And who then can tell but that God will turn and relent, and turn away his fierce anger from us!" As national wickedness is made up of the sins of individuals, let it be lessened by individual penitence and reformation. Let each one of us, for himself, say, "In what way am I contributing to the general stock of guilt? What is there in my conduct that tends to make God angry with the country? Wherein do I accumulate divine vengeance upon the land?" Let us not merge our individuality in the throng. It is most vain and hypocritical to lament the general depravity, while our own particular transgressions escape our notice!

Such 'general lamentations' are too often resorted to as an easy composition for the severer duty of personal repentance. Who is there living in habits of drunkenness, of profane swearing, of sabbath-breaking, of uncleanness, of falsehood, of neglecting the great salvation? These are the people who, while they are bringing upon the land, as it were, "hailstones and coals of fire," "are kindling for themselves a fire which shall burn to the lowest hell." The ungodly should consider their dreadful situation—hastening from sinning to dying, from death to judgment, fromjudgment to the bottomless pit, and then from age to age of torment without end or mitigation! What is any political alteration or reform, to such people, or to any of us, compared with that spiritual change which is absolutely necessary to, and inseparably connected with eternal salvation! O, if only a small portion of the time and feeling that is given to questions which in a few years must cease to interest us, were devoted to those matters of everlasting importance which a million ages hence will be as dear to us as at this moment, it would be far happier both for ourselves and for our country.

By all the value of the immortal soul, and all the solemn importance of eternity; by the joys of heaven on the one hand, and the torments of perdition on the other; by all that is rapturous in the smile of God, and all that is tormenting in his frown—I entreat you, my brethren, to concentrate your chief desires and most vigorous pursuits on that change of heart and conduct, which is necessary to the possession of eternal life!

In addition to the greater importance of personal and spiritual reform, over every other kind, it has this advantage—that it is more within our reach. Our efforts to reform others may be unsuccessful; we cannot command their judgments, nor turn their hearts; but by the help of God, no sincere and fervent effort shall be in vain, which is directed to the improvement of our own character, and the attainment of our own salvation. In this sense let each one seek to reform one, and thus while promoting those interests which shall flourish when the earth and all the countries that are therein shall be burnt up, we shall most effectually advance the present welfare of the land, and we shall open to ourselves one refuge to which we may repair under every personal, domestic, or national calamity, and which will not fail us at last, amidst the wreck of matter, and the crash of worlds!

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